Identity and democracy in pro-democracy protest theatre in Zimbabwe: 1999-2012
Abstract
This study investigates a brand of theatre that is oppositional to oppression. This theatre,
which this study calls protest theatre, predicates its practice upon democratic intentions and
values. In Zimbabwe, some scholars valorise protest theatre’s oppositional and adversarial
stance to the state as an indicator of how it imbues democratic values. Some scholars also
celebrate the manner in which it provides counter hegemonic space to enhance citizenship as
a reinforcement of pro-democracy’s protest theatre’s democratic affinity. This, in my view,
creates a problem in the sense that, these scholars pay scant attention to subtle processes of
exclusion, paternalism and domination that are, unfortunately, inherent in protest theatre.
Whilst there can be little doubt to the fact that protest theatre provides democratic space that
enhances citizenship through theatre, there is also a need to interrogate the manner in which it
accords subaltern voices agency or authority over their intellectual and physical actions in
designing, implementing and modifying the discourse of social and political reform that prodemocracy
protest theatre espouse during and after the Zimbabwean crisis. To this effect, this
study investigates the harmony, dissonance and tension between democratic intentions and
practice in prodemocracy protest theatre. It interrogates how selected performances of protest
theatre represent the agency and interests of marginalised sections of society. It examines
relations of power that obtain in protest theatre with the intention of exploring how protest
theatre accords subaltern citizens the ability to design, modify, implement and lead, at an
intellectual level, the struggle for democratic reform in Zimbabwe. This study, therefore,
investigates practices that undermine the democratic intentions of protest theatre such as
exclusion, paternalism and construction of derogatory identities through biased representation
of the agency of various social groups in various performances. Consequently, the study
analyses how various performances mediate on the identities of various social groups in order
to legitimise the moral and intellectual control of the struggle for democratic change by
certain social groups at the expense of others. The study also explores how selected
productions liberated or undermined the semiotic autonomy of the spectators. It looks at the
relationship between style and democracy with the intention of analysing how selected
performances enabled or undermined the audience’s right to create their own meanings from
various performances. Hence, this study also extends its democratic thrust by way of
analysing directorial endeavours to create open performances as opposed to enclosed
performance that lock meaning and interpretation to directorial intention. Thus the efficacy of
style to democratic commitment is a key aspect of inquiry in this study. This study employs
post-linear performance theory to examine issues of power between the performance and
their spectator in as far as the generation of meaning is concerned. It also deploys theories of
democracy, particularly those of the public sphere and counter public sphere in order to
ascertain the extent to which selected productions created citizen forums that were in keeping
with democratic expectations. Theories of power have been useful as they help to track issues
of domination and strategies of domination that normally undermine democratic intentions.
The study uses techniques of performance reconstruction in addition to those of analysing
live performances. It also makes use of semiotic theory. The data gathered through these
methods is interrogated through the theoretical framework thereby linking theory to
methodology.